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Any results of Chapala Elections

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Beat me to it, John!

This is supposedly with all the votes counted.  Close but decisive.  What is most important is that the reformers clearly carried the day.  Also, Alfaro won decisively the governor's chair in Jalisco, taking nearly 39 percent of the vote versus 24 percent for the runner up.

Apparently MC took city halls all over this area, not just GDL.

Also in the good news department is how peaceful the election was and the turnout was extremely high.  The PRI took it on the chin all over the country not just here in Jalisco.  Clearly the people are ready for a new direction.

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Just started a great business. Bought several gallons of white paint and for a costs will over paint all the PAN and PRI campain slogan which cover the walls of many business in the area....(just call "1 800 we know who you are"). On a side note, one of my neighbors was busily trying to remove a PRI sticker from his car.....

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I don't think so but perhaps someone who was able to vote can answer this.  I believe that is determined after the new government takes office.

Very impressive yesterday.  Locally reformers out polled the incumbent three votes to one.  MC the reform party swept every major municipality in the GDL area.  The turnout was record.  It went well with few problems.

Viva Mexico!

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The Ajijic Delegado can be chosen by the incoming presidente or by a vote after the presidente of Chapala takes office. It has been done both ways in the past.

I voted and can assure you there was no ballot for that office at this time.  I believe Chuny Medeles has about 6 months to go on his term.  He was appointed by the current president of Chapala.

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Evidently things got pretty hot at the Orange celebration overnight on the streets of Chapala. Guns and clubs were present as some PAN supporters insisted that the election was stolen from them. The friend also said there were stories of attempted robberies of the ballot boxes containing the paper ballots between the precincts and the main office in Chapala. That information was third hand and is not verified but he was in the middle of the party that got close to a riot until 5am.

Having seen the election process up close, the paper ballots seem to be the only tool on the back end to change the votes. If not protected ballots could be added or deleted. 

This time there were more control at the precinct over voters participating multiple times. Each of the alphabetical sections had one person that marked the copy of the picture voter card (free) assuring that card could not be used again. This time there were also 8 people sitting nearby with the same book. As the card was taken in exchange for ballots (6 of them) the name was announced. Each person marked their book. The low tech version of redundancy.

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What we do know is the two clear front runners are both reform candidates.  I think we win with either one.  :)

Summary of the MC sweep of Jalisco here:


It is claimed MC will govern 88 percent of the population of the state.  Included in the list is Chapala which is supposedly still up in the air.


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From Today's Wall St Journal:

Mexico Vote Snubs the Political Establishment

López Obrador’s victory marks an end to the political party system that dominated Mexico for three decades

Andrés Manuel López Obrador with supporters in Mexico City on Sunday after winning Mexico’s presidential election.
Andrés Manuel López Obrador with supporters in Mexico City on Sunday after winning Mexico’s presidential election. PHOTO: PEDRO PARDO/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE/GETTY IMAGES
Santiago Pérez and 
José de Córdoba
Updated July 2, 2018 8:37 p.m. ET

MEXICO CITY—Mexico’s election was a tsunami for the country’s traditional parties, which suffered unprecedented setbacks at the hands of Andrés Manuel López Obrador and the Movement for National Regeneration the leftist leader founded just four years ago.

Like Brexit and the presidential election of Donald Trump, Mexico’s historic vote is the latest example of the backlash against the political establishment that has swept through Europe and the U.S. amid eroding trust in traditional political parties.

Mr. López Obrador’s victory marks an end to the political party systemthat dominated Mexico over the past three decades—a three-party system of the centrist Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), the conservative National Action Party (PAN) and the center-left Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD). His new party is known as Morena, an acronym that also alludes to the country’s patron saint, the Virgin of Guadalupe, and means dark-skinned in Spanish.

Eroding baseMexico's Institutional Revolutionary Party(PRI) historic performance in presidentialelectionsSource: Mexico's electoral agencyNote: The PRI's Meade now has 16.1% with 70% ofvotes counted.
.%WinLoss1980’902000’10020406080100Winx1988x50.4 %
State governorships under control of the PRISource: Mexico's electoral agency
.out of 32 governorships2000’15048121620242832

“This is the end of the parties as we have known them,” said Jesús Silva-Herzog, a leading political commentator and scholar. “The legacy parties have their work cut out for them in remaking themselves and reassessing their identity.”

Mr. López Obrador’s landslide—he won by more than 30 percentage points over his closest rival and took more than half of the vote in a field of four candidates—is the widest since Miguel de la Madrid of the PRI won the 1982 election, before Mexico became a full democracy.

Mr. López Obrador will also be the first Mexican president since 1997 to have an outright majority in Congress.

For the ruling PRI, the once-hegemonic party that ruled Mexico as a single party state from 1929 to 2000, the result was a disaster. The number of PRI representatives in the 500-member lower house is expected to drop from 204 to 45, according to projections from the country’s electoral authority, making it only the fifth-largest party in Congress and below the newly created and relatively unknown evangelical Social Encounter party. The PRI ran in a coalition with other parties.

The PRI’s tally of governorships has also fallen steadily, from all 31 states and Mexico City in 1987 to 12 after Sunday’s vote, in which it lost Jalisco state in the west, home to Mexico’s second-largest city, Guadalajara, and Yucatán state in the southeast. It hasn’t run Mexico City since 1997.

“The results are catastrophic for the PRI,” said Roger Bartra, a renowned Mexican sociologist. “I don’t think the party will disappear, because it still has a powerful machinery, but it faces unprecedented challenges.”

A man walked by newspapers at a kiosk in Mexico City on Monday.
A man walked by newspapers at a kiosk in Mexico City on Monday. PHOTO: ULISES RUIZ/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE/GETTY IMAGES

Having been kicked out of power in 2000, the PRI won back the presidency six years ago with Enrique Peña Nieto, a telegenic candidate. But he leaves office Dec. 1 with the lowest approval ratings for any president in modern history amid a steady stream of corruption scandals and rising criminal violence. Presidents are constitutionally barred from running for reelection.


Mr. López Obrador’s win also weakens his former party, the center-left PRD, which fell from 53 members of the lower house to 21. Mr. López Obrador was elected mayor of Mexico City on the PRD’s ticket in 2000. He ran as the party’s presidential candidate in 2006 and 2012, and left the PRD to form Morena in 2014.

The conservative PAN, meanwhile, also emerges weaker, and faces growing internal disputes linked to the nomination of its candidate, Ricardo Anaya —deep splits that may grow amid finger-pointing after the loss.

The broader opposition is so weakened that some analysts speculate that Morena could become Mexico’s next hegemonic party, exerting a political power similar to the one the PRI exercised from 1929 to 2000.

“It’s a paradox that the ones who voted for López Obrador to put an end to the PRI are really voting to construct another PRI,” said José Antonio Crespo, a political analyst at CIDE university in Mexico City. “This could mean a setback to Mexico’s democracy.”

Supporters of Mr. López Obrador celebrated in Mexico City on Sunday.
Supporters of Mr. López Obrador celebrated in Mexico City on Sunday. PHOTO: ULISES RUIZ/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE/GETTY IMAGES

Like the PRI, Morena is a pragmatic “big tent” including all sorts of political actors with clashing beliefs, including an alliance with the Social Encounter party that has conservative views on issues like same-sex marriage and abortion, according to Jorge Chabat, a professor at the University of Guadalajara.

“There’s room for everybody—the left, the right, those with a history of corruption, those not corrupt,” said Mr. Chabat. “This is very clear—it’s back to the future.”

Morena could also take over many of the PRI’s old patronage networks. While the PRI has curbed the power of top unions while embracing free-market overhauls, Morena has courted them. Mr. López Obrador secured support from Mexico’s biggest mining union, with close to 280,000 affiliates, and has rejected an ambitious reform of the country’s education system to attract the country´s two vast teachers’ unions, as well as Elba Esther Gordillo, the former powerful head of the country’s largest teachers union who was convicted of corruption during Mr. Peña Nieto’s term. She has said the case was politically motivated.

Part of Morena’s ascent is based on the territorial, grass-roots work that the PRI dominated decades ago. The PRI’s candidate for president, José Antonio Meade, represents the radical shift taken by PRI leaders in recent decades. Mr. Meade, a U.S.-trained former finance, foreign and social development minister under PRI and PAN administrations, isn’t a formal member of the party and lacks the local activism of many veterans who emerged from the party base.

Many PRI leaders and legislators have defected to Morena and more are expected to do so in coming months, analysts say. Such defections will be key for a new party lacking experienced political cadres. Morena will have to fill thousands of legislative and positions in federal and local governments in coming months.

—Juan Montes contributed to this article.



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